{"id":54362,"date":"2014-10-06T10:31:18","date_gmt":"2014-10-06T14:31:18","guid":{"rendered":"\/news\/?p=54362"},"modified":"2014-10-06T16:45:41","modified_gmt":"2014-10-06T20:45:41","slug":"no-talking-point-left-behind-choicespeak-to-english-dictionary-part-2","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/archive.liveaction.org\/news\/no-talking-point-left-behind-choicespeak-to-english-dictionary-part-2\/","title":{"rendered":"No talking point left behind: Choicespeak-to-English Dictionary, Part 2"},"content":{"rendered":"
<\/div>

In our first installment<\/a> of the Choicespeak-to-English Dictionary, we took a look at various scientific facts the abortion movement tries to hide and twist by mis-defining terminology. Today we move on to the realm of moral and philosophical language, which, as less technical and empirical spheres than science, are particularly vulnerable to rhetorical manipulation. That\u2019s where we come in.<\/p>\n

Murder<\/strong>\u2014According to pro-aborts, \u201cmurder\u201d can denote only<\/em> the legal crime by that name, so abortion cannot<\/em> be murder simply because it\u2019s not illegal. But this is willful obtuseness to an absurd degree. Laws exist to reflect and apply society\u2019s gravest moral judgments \u2014 in this case, the judgment that needlessly taking human life is profoundly evil. The distinction between legitimate killing (like self-defense against physical violence) and evil killing (i.e., avoidable and driven by anger, greed, or hatred) is hardly exclusive to the legal sphere; it\u2019s well-trod ground in philosophy<\/a> and theology<\/a> as well.<\/p>\n

\u201cMurder\u201d is perfectly reasonable shorthand for \u201cevil killing,\u201d even when we\u2019re talking about moral law rather than civil law. If somehow a constitutional amendment passed legalizing the slaughter of Jews, it would unquestionably be legal, yet would we be wrong to call it murder? Or if the government you were living under collapsed, and someone killed you to steal from you? Would the fact that law no longer existed at all mean we couldn\u2019t call the act by the most obvious name that comes to mind?<\/p>\n

Tellingly, war and capital punishment are legal, too, yet that doesn\u2019t stop their opponents \u2014 many of whom<\/a> also vehemently defend abortion \u2014 from decrying them as \u201cstate-sanctioned murder.\u201d Yet those who disagree with them do so by debating the ethics of each issue, not by quibbling over legal semantics.<\/p>\n

It\u2019s true that the concept of legal murder sounds like an oxymoron. It should be an oxymoron. But that\u2019s the<\/em> point<\/em>. The only reason abortion isn\u2019t recognized as murder is because its defenders have fraudulently excommunicated its victims out of the human family.<\/p>\n

Innocent<\/strong>\u2014Most people instinctively understand that innocence is a pretty big deal when someone is killed. It\u2019s why coverage of natural disasters or wartime civilian casualties often laments all the \u201cinnocent lives lost.\u201d It\u2019s why society executes serial killers but not litterbugs. So it\u2019s obvious why pro-aborts would want to discredit both halves of the phrase \u201cinnocent babies.\u201d<\/p>\n

Because fetuses are not mentally developed enough to consciously make rational decisions informed by a sense of right and wrong, they say, fetuses cannot be truly innocent. But ironically, pro-aborts who raise this objection are a bit like a religious person nitpicking how nobody\u2019s technically innocent because of original sin. Calling the unborn \u201cinnocent\u201d isn\u2019t using the term in some deeper metaphysical sense about the subject\u2019s morality or divine standing \u2014 it\u2019s simply saying they are innocent of having done anything that deserves punishment by death<\/em>.<\/p>\n

Aggression<\/strong>\u2014In a clear sign of being far less confident in their convictions than they claim, pro-aborts defensively upend virtually every aspect of the debate\u2019s language, no matter how commonsense. Thus, they deny that having an abortion constitutes an act of aggression against one\u2019s unborn son or daughter; instead, it\u2019s merely denying an unwanted and unjustified intrusion on their turf<\/a>.<\/p>\n

To nonsense like this, there\u2019s really only one answer: if the direct, intentional application of lethal force, exercised for reasons unrelated to any slightly proportional physical danger, doesn\u2019t constitute aggression, then words no longer have meaning.<\/p>\n

Self-Defense<\/strong>\u2014Closely related to the above thinking is the idea of abortion as self-defense. But this is patently ridiculous. The term \u201cself-defense\u201d raises the question: defending oneself against what<\/em>? To qualify, there has to be some kind of threat \u2014 or the credible possibility of one \u2014 reasonably proportionate to the response. Shooting someone who points a gun at you? Self-defense. Shooting someone who points a camera at you? Not. For all the drawbacks of pregnancy, only a rare subset<\/a> \u2014 those that put the mother in severe physical danger \u2014 constitute threats to which abortion could arguably be a proportionate defense.<\/p>\n

Responsibility<\/strong>\u2014From their freakouts<\/a> whenever a pro-lifer raises the subject of sexual responsibility to the popular talking point \u201chaving an abortion is<\/em> taking responsibility for an unwanted pregnancy,\u201d few words are surrounded by greater pro-choice confusion.<\/p>\n

Responsibility<\/a> is not a difficult word to comprehend; it\u2019s \u201cthe state of being the person who caused something to happen.\u201d Saying women with unwanted pregnancies are generally responsible for them is merely an acknowledgment that the cause of unwanted pregnancy is no mystery and is fully within their power to prevent. It is not<\/em> intrinsically paired with any of the other value judgments pro-aborts routinely imagine about \u201csluts\u201d who don\u2019t go to church enough or should be social pariahs, subservient to men, barefoot and pregnant in the kitchen, etc. It is not a synonym for consent<\/a> or punishment.<\/p>\n

It does, however, entail acknowledgement of whether your actions have wronged someone and, if so, a duty to set things right. In this case, the wronged party is a child whom you have put into a state of extreme need while having no intention of seeing that those needs are met, and subsequently exposed to the danger of being killed. Children are aborted precisely because their parents don\u2019t<\/em> want to take responsibility for them. To take credit for what you\u2019re avoiding in the most harmful way possible is downright Orwellian.<\/p>\n

Private\/Personal<\/strong>\u2014Despite their centrality to the right to choose\u2019s creation myth<\/a>, Roe v. Wade<\/em>, pro-aborts seem not to have the foggiest idea what either of these words mean. \u201cPrivacy<\/a>\u201d is \u201cthe state of being alone\u201d or \u201caway from other people\u201d; \u201cpersonal<\/a>\u201d is \u201cbelonging or relating to a particular person.\u201d Truly private, personal affairs concern only one person or are conducted among a small number of people who have chosen to keep matters between one another. But someone other than the mother<\/em> is also involved in abortion, and in fact is affected far more severely than the mother: a helpless son or daughter who cannot consent to or affect any decision Mom makes about his or her fate. As such, it is no more private or personal than any case of child homicide, abuse, or neglect \u2014 matters in which nobody disputes the law\u2019s intervention.<\/p>\n

Rights<\/strong>\u2014Pro-aborts seem to think of the word \u201crights\u201d like it\u2019s the free space in bingo. Legal abortion? The \u201cright to choose.\u201d Ultrasound and informed consent requirements? Those somehow infringe on that right, too, even though the seeker remains legally free to obtain one under them. Your fellow citizens\u2019 tax dollars and private employers\u2019 compensation decisions? They\u2019ll be taking those, too, under the right to \u201caccess.\u201d<\/p>\n

Meanwhile, in the real world, \u201crights\u201d are not shorthand for \u201canything I really, really want.\u201d A \u201cright<\/a>\u201d is \u201csomething to which one has a just claim.\u201d There are generally two types of such claims: legal rights (granted or defined by law or contract) and rights according to some moral or philosophical system. At best, abortion can only be thought of as a legal<\/em> right (though not a truly constitutional<\/em> one, given Roe v. Wade<\/em>\u2019s abysmal substance<\/a>).<\/p>\n

For abortion to be a right<\/em> in any deeper, morally binding sense, it has to logically follow from some sort of first principles\u2026which is where pro-aborts\u2019 rhetoric breaks down. Are their wishes rights under the Declaration of Independence? Lockean natural-law theory<\/a>? Utilitarianism? Their own feminist brand of Christianity? Some other philosophy? They rarely say. But until they do, their talk of abortion \u201crights\u201d means little more than \u201cgimme.\u201d<\/p>\n

*\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 *\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 *<\/strong><\/p>\n

When people have reasoned their way into a position, plain English is enough to defend it. But when an agenda is built on greed masquerading as altruism and lies as fact, moving the semantic goalposts is the only way to keep the fantasy alive.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

In our first installment of the Choicespeak-to-English Dictionary, we took a look at various scientific facts the abortion movement tries to hide and twist by mis-defining terminology. Today we move on to the realm of moral and philosophical language, which, as less technical and empirical spheres than science, are particularly vulnerable to rhetorical manipulation. That\u2019s […]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":54,"featured_media":0,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"om_disable_all_campaigns":false},"categories":[15],"tags":[19,2856,2858,1251,2854,345,371,2857,732,2860,1254,1000,2859,2855,78],"yoast_head":"\nNo talking point left behind: Choicespeak-to-English Dictionary, Part 2 - Live Action News<\/title>\n<meta name=\"robots\" content=\"index, follow, max-snippet:-1, max-image-preview:large, max-video-preview:-1\" \/>\n<link rel=\"canonical\" href=\"https:\/\/archive.liveaction.org\/news\/no-talking-point-left-behind-choicespeak-to-english-dictionary-part-2\/\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:locale\" content=\"en_US\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:type\" content=\"article\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:title\" content=\"No talking point left behind: Choicespeak-to-English Dictionary, Part 2 - Live Action News\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:description\" content=\"In our first installment of the Choicespeak-to-English Dictionary, we took a look at various scientific facts the abortion movement tries to hide and twist by mis-defining terminology. Today we move on to the realm of moral and philosophical language, which, as less technical and empirical spheres than science, are particularly vulnerable to rhetorical manipulation. 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