{"id":166917,"date":"2017-06-01T14:42:27","date_gmt":"2017-06-01T18:42:27","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/www.liveaction.org\/news\/?p=166917"},"modified":"2020-02-20T13:54:29","modified_gmt":"2020-02-20T19:54:29","slug":"landmark-harvard-essay-preborn-child-constitutional-person","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/archive.liveaction.org\/news\/landmark-harvard-essay-preborn-child-constitutional-person\/","title":{"rendered":"Article in Harvard Law Journal concludes: The preborn child is a constitutional person"},"content":{"rendered":"<div style=\"margin-top: 0px; margin-bottom: 0px;\" class=\"sharethis-inline-share-buttons\" ><\/div><p>Pro-lifers and <a href=\"http:\/\/www.washingtonexaminer.com\/in-criticizing-roe-sessions-aligns-with-most-legal-scholars\/article\/2611381#.WNP_hMRmb6I.twitter\">honest pro-abortion legal scholars<\/a> agree that <em>Roe v. Wade<\/em> was <a href=\"https:\/\/www.liveaction.org\/blog\/the-case-against-roe-v-wade-and-planned-parenthood-v-casey\/\">wrongly decided<\/a>. But just how wrong is it? Is it bad law solely because it declares a right to something the Constitution is silent about, or does its judicial malpractice run deeper?<\/p>\n<p>I have <a href=\"https:\/\/archive.liveaction.org\/news\/life-at-conception-act-under-attack-by-the-constitution-center\/\">long argued<\/a> that legal abortion violates not only the spirit of the Constitution, but the text itself \u2013\u00a0specifically, that the Fourteenth Amendment\u2019s guaranteed equal protection of all people\u2019s right to life has always applied\u00a0to the preborn. Now,\u00a0<a href=\"https:\/\/stream.org\/harvard-law-journal-unborn-babies-are-constitutional-persons\/\">The Stream<\/a>\u00a0reports that\u00a0the &#8220;Harvard Journal of Law and Public Policy&#8221; has published <a href=\"https:\/\/papers.ssrn.com\/sol3\/papers.cfm?abstract_id=2970761\">an article<\/a>\u00a0written by Harvard law student (and <a href=\"https:\/\/archive.liveaction.org\/news\/author\/josh-craddock\/\">former Live Action contributor<\/a>) Josh Craddock\u00a0that lays\u00a0out the case in perhaps the most depth it\u2019s ever received.<\/p>\n<p>The first key point of Craddock&#8217;s work, critiquing the <a href=\"https:\/\/archive.liveaction.org\/news\/time-pro-lifers-stand-strong-protecting-scalias-principles\/\">late, great Justice Antonin Scalia<\/a> <em>from the right<\/em>, is an audacious undertaking, but here it\u2019s warranted. You see, while Scalia was a committed originalist and clear opponent of <em>Roe<\/em>, he was also <a href=\"http:\/\/www.cbsnews.com\/news\/justice-scalia-on-the-record\/2\/\">of the opinion<\/a> that the Constitution is neutral toward abortion\u00a0\u2013 that its use of the word \u201cpersons\u201d \u201cclearly means walking-around persons,\u201d and therefore, states should be left free to set whatever abortion laws they want. Craddock notes several other pro-life judicial originalists who hold (or held) this view, though Scalia is the most recent and most revered modernly.<\/p>\n<p>Craddock concedes that there is some basis for this thinking because \u201cnatural rights were not exhaustively enshrined in the federal Constitution\u201d and \u201cstates have traditionally decided the question of personhood.\u201d However, he rightfully maintains that a truly originalist answer to the question has to consider what the word \u201cpersons\u201d was understood to mean when the Fourteenth Amendment was written and ratified.<\/p>\n<p>He proceeds to explain that layman\u2019s dictionaries treated the concepts of humanity and personhood interchangeably, and so did legal terminology \u2013\u00a0more explicitly so, in fact. As we\u2019ve discussed in the past, Craddock notes that Blackstone expressly recognized that personhood and the right to life existed before birth with a simple and clear legal standard: \u201cwhere life <em>can be shown<\/em> to exist, legal personhood exists\u201d (emphasis added). This also perfectly explains why it\u2019s irrelevant that past laws didn\u2019t protect the preborn prior to quickening.<\/p>\n<p style=\"text-align: center;\"><iframe loading=\"lazy\" src=\"https:\/\/www.youtube.com\/embed\/k7iS65pZ-lw\" width=\"640\" height=\"355\" frameborder=\"0\" allowfullscreen=\"allowfullscreen\"><span data-mce-type=\"bookmark\" style=\"display: inline-block; width: 0px; overflow: hidden; line-height: 0;\" class=\"mce_SELRES_start\">\ufeff<\/span><\/iframe><\/p>\n<p>&nbsp;<\/p>\n<p>Craddock next shows that many of the states that voted to ratify the Fourteenth Amendment had also criminalized abortion, meaning they understood personhood then in much the same way that pro-lifers understand it now:<\/p>\n<p style=\"padding-left: 30px;\"><em>By the time of the Fourteenth Amendment\u2019s adoption, \u201cnearly every state had criminal legislation proscribing abortion,\u201d and most of these statutes were classified among \u201coffenses against the person.\u201d The original public meaning of the term \u201cperson\u201d thus incontestably included prenatal life. Indeed, \u201cthere can be no doubt whatsoever that the word \u2018person\u2019 referred to the fetus.\u201d In twenty\u2010three states and six territories, laws referred to the preborn individual as a \u201cchild.\u201d Is it reasonable to presume that these legislatures would have used this terminology if \u201cthey had not considered the fetus to be a \u2018person\u2019\u201d?<\/em><\/p>\n<p style=\"padding-left: 30px;\"><em>The adoption of strict anti\u2010abortion measures in the mid\u2010nineteenth century was the natural development of a long common\u2010law history proscribing abortion. Beginning in the mid\u2010thirteenth century, the common law codified abortion as homicide as soon as the child came to life (animation) and appeared recognizably human (formation), which occurred approximately 40 days after fertilization. Lord Coke later cited the \u201cformed and animated standard,\u201d rearticulating it as \u201cquick with childe.\u201d<\/em><\/p>\n<p>From there, Craddock explains how the quickening standard was little more than a practical evidentiary standard, not a meaningful commentary on prenatal life (or lack thereof). But interestingly, he points out that even by the mid-nineteenth century, courts and states alike were increasingly rejecting it as scientifically obsolete, and replacing it with \u2013 surprise! \u2013 fertilization.<\/p>\n<p style=\"padding-left: 30px;\"><em>When the Amendment was adopted in 1868, the states widely recognized children in utero as persons. Twenty\u2010three states and six territories referred to the fetus as a \u201cchild\u201d in their statutes proscribing abortion. At least twenty\u2010eight jurisdictions labeled abortion as an \u201coffense[] against the person\u201d or an equivalent criminal classification. Nine of the ratifying states explicitly valued the lives of the preborn and their pregnant mothers equally by providing the same range of punishment for killing either during the commission of an abortion. The \u201conly plausible explanation\u201d for this phenomenon is that \u201cthe legislatures considered the mother and child to be equal in their personhood.\u201d Furthermore, ten states (nine of which had ratified the Fourteenth Amendment) considered abortion to be either manslaughter, assault with intent to murder, or murder.<\/em><\/p>\n<p>Next, and perhaps most importantly, Craddock examines the thinking of the Fourteenth Amendment\u2019s drafters. There\u2019s an understandable assumption that because the amendment\u2019s primary purpose was extending citizenship to freed blacks after the Civil War, its effects shouldn\u2019t be construed to extend beyond that purpose. But under the originalist principle of authorial intent, the first word is often the last word in resolving such confusion:<\/p>\n<p style=\"padding-left: 30px;\"><em>Senator Jacob Howard, who sponsored the Amendment in the Senate, declared the Amendment\u2019s purpose to \u201cdisable a state from depriving not merely a citizen of the United States, but any person, whoever he may be, of life, liberty and property without due process.\u201d Even the lowest and \u201cmost despised of the [human] race\u201d were guaranteed equal protection. Representative Thaddeus Stevens called the Amendment \u201ca superstructure of perfect equality of every human being before the law; of impartial protection to everyone in whose breast God had placed an immortal soul\u201d [\u2026] The primary Framer of the Fourteenth Amendment, Representative John Bingham, intended it to ensure that \u201cno state in the Union should deny to any human being . . . the equal protection of the laws.\u201d<\/em><\/p>\n<p>In light of this evidence and reasoning (as well as rebuttals to possible objections I have skipped, but which you should <a href=\"http:\/\/www.harvard-jlpp.com\/wp-content\/uploads\/sites\/21\/2018\/02\/Craddock_FINAL.pdf\">take the time to read<\/a>), Craddock concludes that there is only one proper constitutional approach to abortion:<\/p>\n<p style=\"padding-left: 30px;\"><em>If prenatal life is to be protected under the Fourteenth Amendment, Congress or the courts must intervene in states that do not guarantee equal protection and due process to preborn human beings. After all, \u201cthe [Fourteenth] amendment was designed to limit state power and authorize Congress to enforce such limitations.\u201d Should a state refuse to protect prenatal life, it would be a violation of equal protection[.]<\/em><\/p>\n<p>Exactly, and it\u2019s not \u201cstatist\u201d or \u201cbig government\u201d or \u201cjudicial activism\u201d to say so. The principle of limited government means the government mustn\u2019t exceed its constitutional purposes, but protecting the right to life is its <a href=\"https:\/\/www.archives.gov\/founding-docs\/declaration-transcript\">most basic purpose<\/a>\u00a0\u2013 and a national-level responsibility. While the Founding Fathers wanted <a href=\"http:\/\/www.constitution.org\/fed\/federa45.htm\">federalism<\/a> to leave states free to decide a wide range of policy decisions for themselves (so America\u2019s large, diverse, spread out population could live in harmony under a single flag while expressing different secondary values and experimenting with different ideas), they also believed that a select few principles, like our most fundamental rights, require a uniform standard.<\/p>\n<p><strong>WATCH: <em><a href=\"https:\/\/archive.liveaction.org\/news\/pro-life-replies-abortion-constitutional-right\/\">Pro-Life Replies counters the claim, \u2018Abortion is a constitutional right\u2019<\/a><\/em><\/strong><\/p>\n<p>Craddock concludes on a pessimistic note, predicting that the Supreme Court is unlikely to abandon <em>Roe<\/em> anytime soon, making a human life amendment to the Constitution politically necessary even though it\u2019s not legally necessary. That\u2019s true for the time being\u2026but it doesn\u2019t have to be.<\/p>\n<p>The past four decades\u2019 worth of abortion jurisprudence has\u00a0nothing to do with legal merit and almost everything to do with the partisan politics of the presidents who nominated judges and the senators who reviewed them. So while this rot has been allowed to fester for a long time, there are no legal barriers keeping us from challenging it \u2013 we need only the will and imagination to change our tactics.<\/p>\n<p>We can demand that our presidents select <a href=\"https:\/\/archive.liveaction.org\/news\/latest-trump-judicial-nominee-upsets-abortion-advocates-right-reasons\/\">bolder, more proven judges<\/a>. We can push Congress to assert its coequal right and duty to protect individual rights by <a href=\"https:\/\/archive.liveaction.org\/news\/life-conception-act-idea-whose-time-come\/\">enacting the Life at Conception Act<\/a>. And we can call on our lawmakers to <a href=\"https:\/\/archive.liveaction.org\/news\/pro-life-look-ted-cruzs-plan-rein-judicial-activism\/\">exercise their constitutional powers<\/a> to rein in and punish judges who refuse to protect the constitutional rights of <em>every<\/em> American.<\/p>\n<p>This is where national-level pro-life activism needs to go\u2026and fortunately, Josh Craddock has given that effort\u00a0an <a href=\"https:\/\/papers.ssrn.com\/sol3\/papers.cfm?abstract_id=2970761\">unassailable foundation<\/a>.<\/p>\n<p><em>Editor&#8217;s Note, 10\/17\/18: The original headline of this article read &#8216;Harvard Law Journal concludes: The preborn child is a constitutional person,&#8217; reflecting The Stream&#8217;s reporting of the title of Harvard&#8217;s press release with the same headline. We attempted to locate the original press release and cannot find it to verify its contents, so the title has been changed to: &#8220;Article in Harvard Law Journal concludes: The preborn child is a constitutional person.&#8221;<\/em><\/p>\n<p style=\"text-align: center;\"><em><strong><a href=\"https:\/\/www.facebook.com\/liveactionnewsonline\/\">\u201cLike\u201d Live Action News on Facebook<\/a>\u00a0for more pro-life news and commentary!<\/strong><\/em><\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"<p>Pro-lifers and honest pro-abortion legal scholars agree that Roe v. Wade was wrongly decided. But just how wrong is it? Is it bad law solely because it declares a right to something the Constitution is silent about, or does its judicial malpractice run deeper? I have long argued that legal abortion violates not only the [&hellip;]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":54,"featured_media":210912,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"om_disable_all_campaigns":false},"categories":[15,9459],"tags":[],"yoast_head":"<!-- This site is optimized with the Yoast SEO plugin v20.7 - https:\/\/yoast.com\/wordpress\/plugins\/seo\/ -->\n<title>Article in Harvard Law Journal concludes: The preborn child is a constitutional person<\/title>\n<meta name=\"description\" content=\"The Fourteenth Amendment was intended to ensure that \u201cno state in the Union should deny to any human being . . . the equal protection of the laws.\u201d\" \/>\n<meta name=\"robots\" content=\"index, follow, max-snippet:-1, max-image-preview:large, max-video-preview:-1\" \/>\n<link rel=\"canonical\" href=\"https:\/\/archive.liveaction.org\/news\/landmark-harvard-essay-preborn-child-constitutional-person\/\" \/>\n<meta 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dedicated to the principles of the American Founding\u2014individual liberty, limited government, public virtue, free markets, and strong defense\u2014though he believes no issue is more important than defending the unalienable rights of society\u2019s most vulnerable members. 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